Finding the Struggles and Successes Refugee Students have in Local Public Schools

My journey into social science research and my study on refugees and their social and academic struggles in local Cleveland schools began when I started tutoring a 5th-grade Syrian refugee in 10th grade through the Refugee Response program. Through tutoring, I found that he and his brother both struggled with their school's reading, writing, and math curriculum due to their inability to find education while finding their way to America. I also learned about the large population of refugee students in Cleveland, Ohio, and began to question if other refugees also struggled in school because of their prior circumstances. This is primarily how I launched my research project assessing refugee social and academic struggles in their schools and their successes so that I can share their stories with their schools to improve their support.

I also maintain a personal element to this story as my mother was an immigrant to the United States from the Philippines. My grandparents from my father's side were refugees from the partition in India. Thus, this project has served as an opportunity for self-discovery as well.

Ultimately, my passion for this project led me to join the Anderson Scholars program at University School (seen above), which provided me the opportunity to connect with professor Vickie Gallagher at Cleveland State University and continue my research in greater depth. I was also granted the opportunity to share my research at science fairs and was awarded the distinction of Melvin Scholar, leading to my induction as an AJAS Fellow.

Slide 2: Introduction

Slide 3: Methods

Slide 4: Methods Examples

Slide 5: Results Table

Slide 6: Results Versus Propositions

Slide 7: Results Continued

Slide 8: Conclusions and Discussion

Slide 9: Acknowledgments

Slides 10 and 11: References

Example Survey: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSc1UX_TvGMBHG0K_3t__ufGJW1xOrj-SP6DJf3R7Rut5TZnOw/viewform?usp=pp_url&entry.1961606358=United+States+of+America&entry.170448895=Freshman&entry.763417627=14&entry.831219814=Female&entry.1946072781=1&entry.958237520=1&entry.2133456870=Math&entry.215281909=Math&entry.1827372474=Math&entry.1246281125=Math&entry.1169466099=1&entry.1415508480=1&entry.1474370128=1&entry.773859232=1&entry.274405321=yes&entry.1101950258=yes&entry.742050177=yes&entry.1034271117=1&entry.989365149=yes&entry.2065406831=0+hours&entry.787754352=driving+your+own+car&entry.1514068079=technological+mishaps+such+as+bad+internet+connection+or+malfunctioning+computers

INTRODUCTION

The 1951 convention relating to the status of refugees established the definition of a refugee as sf These laws were created in the aftermath of World War II to deal with the mass fallout of the war (International Justice Resource Center, 2019). Moreover, the laws were again adjusted in the United States in the Refugee Act of 1980 in the wake of the Vietnam War to compensate for the 300,000 new Vietnamese and Cambodian refugees. The act established a more regulated system of immigration which raised the ceiling of refugees admitted to the US from 17,400 to 50,000 per year. The act also adjusted the definition of “refugee” to a person with a “well-founded fear of persecution” (National Archives Foundation 2020). Currently, the limit for refugees admitted into the U.S per year is 30,000. Although historically the U.S has resettled more refugees than any other country, recently this program has not kept up with the increase of the refugee population worldwide, which has risen to 19.9 million (National Immigration Forum 2019). Many of these 30,000 refugees, primarily from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ukraine, Syria, and Nepal, have moved into the Northeast Ohio area (McCarthy, 2019).

Specifically, adolescent refugees that arrive in Northeast Ohio and the rest of the United States are integrated into the public-education system. However, many refugees struggle with language barriers that restrict their success in school specifically when it comes to communication through reading, writing, or in-class presentation. (Bernstein & DuBois, 2018). The reason many refugees struggle to learn English is because the order of words is different compared to other languages, the pronunciation of vowels varies, and exceptions to basic spelling rules such as when to spell with “ie” or “ei'' occur often (The UN Refugee Agency, 2020). Moreover, not all refugees have equal levels of education. Many refugees come from unstable communities, meaning their education base is often far behind their native-born peers (Bernstein & DuBois, 2018). As such, some refugees find themselves far behind their native-born classmates in school. Paired with refugees’ general struggle with the English language, transportation issues, cultural barriers, and trouble securing work, school becomes a sizable challenge (Oxford Royal Academy, 2014).

Research has shown that when refugees come to America at younger ages, they have a better chance acclimating to their new communities (Bernstein & DuBois, 2018). However, most educational attainment (which correlates to income and other socioeconomic indicators in refugee adults between 2009 and 2011) has varied by country of origin. Adult refugees from Ukraine were very well educated while more than half the refugees from Burma ages 25 and older did not have high school diplomas (Auclair, Capps, Fix, Fratzke, Groves, McHugh, & Newland, 2015). To combat educational attainment problems, schools utilize out of school tutoring programs and translators. Non-profit organizations that offer intensive tutoring and mentors to young refugees are on the rise, such as Cleveland’s Refugee Response. Studying the effect of intensive tutoring organizations on young refugees’ academic performance and assimilation may aid local communities in determining optimal ways to help these children adjust to their new communities and schools. Also, showing the effectiveness of these programs may increase their popularity within the refugee communities.

The Teenage Refugee Experience

Research with regard to the lived experiences of working adult refugees in the US has revealed many struggles, such as unfamiliar processes and norms for obtaining a job and performing well once employed (Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson, Ngaruiya, & Gonzalez, 2008). Furthermore, adult refugees develop unrealistic expectations about life in the US, experience underemployment, and may abandon their pursuit of the “American dream” when dissatisfied with their jobs (Baran, Valcea, Porter & Gallagher, 2018). However, we are interested in the experiences of teenagers, so that we can better prepare them for a new social context, set realistic expectations, and prepare them for the future workforce in the US. Qualitative research can supplement the existing research illustrated above, such that in-depth experiences of these teenagers can be revealed, and the complexity of their experiences can be illuminated through dialog. A number of areas of interest are relevant to the refugee student experience.

English Language Skills. Adult refugees who are resettled in the US have limited or modest English written and spoken language skills (Capps, Newland, Fratzke, Groves, Auclair, Fix, & McHugh, “Integrating”). Furthermore, the urgency of finding employment is a priority, with many parents finding jobs where English is not as necessary, such as in light manufacturing, service industries etc. (Otiso, & Smith, 2005). As such, most children of refugees are not raised in homes where English is the primary spoken language. This hinders their ability to become fluent in English, even as they are forced to use English in the classroom. As such, we propose the following:

Proposition 1. English is the main limiting factor restricting refugee teens from finding success in school.

Family Dynamics: Research with regard to refugees highlights the notion that the family structure is quite complex in order for refugees to succeed in often lower paying jobs. For example, the average number of members in a household is... compared to the US family household. The country of origin is also emblematic of larger more complicated family structures... both parents working... etc. As such, we propose the following:

Proposition 2. Refugee teens struggle to integrate into their school communities and programs because of a disconnect between cultures, which includes an array of added responsibilities and complicated, diverse, family compositions at home.

Motivation and Drive: Refugees and immigrants have been found to be driven based on the fact that their initial family circumstances are quite dire and limited in opportunity ... upward mobility provides an opportunity to improve their lives and the lives of their children (Stewart, Anderson, Beiser, Mwakarimba, Neufeld, Simich, & Spitzer, 2008). For refugees who came from higher status backgrounds, the motivation to succeed may be based on the fact that they have seen a better life and aspire to gain that same status in their new host country (Nunn, C., McMichael, C., Gifford, S., Corea-Velez, I. 2013). Children of refugees in particular are driven to do well based on unique pressures they face as children of immigrants (Zhou, M. 1997).

Proposition 3. Refugee teens are more likely to be driven and motivated to succeed compared to their US counterparts, in order to build a better future for their family.

METHODS AND MATERIALS

A total of eight teenage refugees from one of the four major refugee groups in Cleveland were interviewed: Nepalese, Ukrainian, Congolese, and Syrian. Respondents were between the ages 14-18 in grades 9th through 12th were selected through contacts of the authors. The children were recruited with a requirement of having been enrolled in public school for at least a year prior to the interview in order to discuss academic challenges, preferences and prior grades. The child and his or her parent had to agree to the study by signing a human consent form (see Appendix B) following the International Rules for Pre-college Science Research (ISEF) guidelines. Note that all grade data and the participants themselves remained anonymous. Refugees were interviewed using a discussion guide centered around their views on their success and struggles in school, as well as perceived support and barriers to success. The interviews lasted for approximately 15-30 minutes and refugees were given an amazon gift card as a way to thank them for their time and assistance in this study. The interviews took place in various locations at various times with notifications to the refugees, the out of school mentors, and under the supervision of two faculty from Cleveland State University.

In order to refine our discussion guide to more adequately address our propositions and develop a semi-structured interview guide (See Appendix A), we conducted an initial interview with a key informant. Her mentor of nearly eight years, and a former refugee services worker, participated in this initial interview, to help provide context to the broader refugee situation and experience. Our preliminary interview was with a 15-year-old female Bhutanese refugee who attends a public high school and was born in a refugee camp.

RESULTS

The following results section will unfold as follows. First, we will highlight the depth of our discussion with our key informant. Then, we will provide exemplary quotes within the areas of conversation that can inform our propositions, with an intention of illustrating the lived experiences of refugee students and highlighting opportunities for future research and interventions.

The first interview conducted was with a 16-year-old Nepalese female student who has attended school in the US since kindergarten and was born in a refugee camp in Nepal. The student will be a sophomore in high school next year and has a mentor figure from the US who is present in her life. The student has two primary focuses in her life: school work and her extra-curricular activity, chess club. Her central motivation is upward mobility for herself and her family. Her motivation showed in her high maturity levels and her focus on her college path as a freshman (potentially much earlier than most US born high school students). Outside of school she also explained distinct cultural differences relative to the US high school students. That is, she seemed to indicate a higher level of household and family responsibilities. Her home life is focused on taking care of the house and her younger sibling while her single mother works. She also noted that school is primarily for education, but that socializing comes secondary to her. Her final point about integration was that she sometimes feels isolated and distant from other students due to her home responsibilities and the pressure she places on herself to succeed and make a better life for her family.

Seven other participants were interviewed: another 15-year-old female refugee from Nepal, three male siblings aged 17, 16, and 15 who lived-in refugee camps in Thailand, a 15-year-old female who lived in Thailand by way of Myanmar, and an 18-year-old female refugee from Myanmar who lived in the Maela camp in Thailand before immigrating to the United States. Through all 8 interviews three recurring themes were found:

Table 1. Major Themes of the Interviews Based on 5 or more common responses

Theme

Quotes From Interviews

Refugees held more chores (or responsibilities) than the average teenager in an American household. This included: cooking on a daily basis, taking care of younger siblings, and translating important paperwork for parents

“I have to help my sister with her homework after school. I have to babysit her and stuff like that and chores”

“For me I have to help my parents…because they don’t speak that much English with documents…basically stuff to be translated…yeah…”

The majority of refugee students interviewed expressed an inherent sense of upward mobility. The students understood their family’s economic situations and the importance of receiving an education to acquire jobs

“It motivates me to do better than them. They came to America to give us a better education, so it does motivate me a lot. Every time…I feel like I don’t want to do schoolwork, I think about, you know, how my parents wanted to give me a better future. It just motivates me a lot.”

COVID-19 has a huge impact on refugees in their ability to focus during online school, access assignments, and listen to lessons effectively because of a lack of WI-FI and quality technology.

“Sometimes the connection is not great because there’s so many people using the WIFI in my house and sometimes the WIFI is down in my house. I know a lot of people are struggling to connect to their classes”

Proposition 2: Refugee teens struggle to integrate into their school communities and programs because of a disconnect between cultures, which includes an array of responsibilities at home. Several participants described large amounts of at home chores and family expectations. Daily responsibilities identified by the participants included taking care of younger siblings, cooking and cleaning on a daily basis, interpreting and translating for parents, and helping siblings with homework. While some refugees referred to the duties as chores, others referred to them as family responsibilities.

Proposition 3: Refugee teens are more likely to be driven and motivated to succeed compared to their US counterparts, in order to build a better future for their family. The majority of the students had an understanding of their families economic standing and accepted the ideas of the need to secure upward mobility and provide for their families. A novel theme that surfaced among the interviews with the onset of Covid-19 pandemic was the realization of lack of access to technology and WiFi. With the emergence of Covid-19, questions were added to the discussion guide that resulted in many of the students sharing that they had problems with the required virtual learning. Several students described having a lack of internet access and others did not have the compatible devices. The digital divide inevitably led to a disconnect with teachers and peers, compared to propositions 2 and 3, proposition 1 -- English is the main limiting factor restricting refugee teens from finding success in school, did not emerge as commonly as was initially anticipated from prior research and the initial interview.

DISCUSSION

The findings in this study were informed by previous research in adolescent refugees; however, the narrative provided by the participants brings new light into the factors prohibiting teenage refugees from successfully integrating into school systems academically and socially. These findings highlight the role of family home expectations and responsibilities as potential hindrance to academic focus and time for socialization. These interviews revealed a potential theoretical backdrop to help frame further research – work-family conflict. Work-family conflict has historically focused on those who are adults and employed. However, if the unique roles and demands on young refugees are considered, we also see parallels. Based on role theory, work–family conflict is “a form of inter-role conflict such that the role pressures from the work and family domains are mutually incompatible in some respect” (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985, p. 77). Research has shown that there are a number of types of conflict, such as work-to-family conflict (where the work makes family roles more difficult) and family-to-work conflict, where the family domain interferes with work roles (Netemeyer, Boles, & McMurrian, 1996).

These findings also demonstrate that among a subset of Asian refugees, there is a shared culture of motivation for the upward mobility for the family. Furthermore, whereas language limitations are not viewed as obstacles, lack of certain possessions and utilities such as internet and technological devices are considered impediments for advancement and connection.

Future research in the area of teen-age refugee social and academic integration should explore the differences in the quality of integration among refugees from different ethnicities and immigration age. It is also reasonable to further investigate potential solutions for family-work conflict like offerings of extracurricular school activities as an outlet for refugees to express themselves creatively and potentially socialize more with non-immigrant and non-refugee students born in the US. Finally, future research should explore inequities in basic education access among teenage refugees. A possible real-life application of these data results would be a fundraiser targeted at COVID-19 relief by supplying these refugee youths with adequate technology and WiFi in order to excel in online classes. Further studies from the findings could be used to alleviate family-work conflicts, and streamline the online schooling system for refugee students.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank my mentors from the Cleveland State University Center for Refugee and Immigrant Success, Dr. Gallagher and Dr. Hinnershitz. I would also like to thank my in school mentors, Dr. Laux, Dr. Dyke, and the Strnad family for all their help in the creation, organization, and progress of this research project.

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